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Political issues are easier to digest when you start with the assumption that all politics are equally good and bad. And it's easier to cover politics in the grand tradition of toothless American both-sides journalism if neither right nor left is right or wrong about anything and everything.

Technocratic policymaking is the best, most efficient way to get over on the average American voter because explaining such terribly boring technical and political machinations will sooner induce a coma than inspire someone to vote. Scurrying behind the curtain of politics and altering the playing field is the surest way

I would like to think the red wave that would have ushered post-democratic authoritarianism failed to swamp the United States because enough people saw through the right wing's bad faith, or, at the very least, finally internalized the irreversible harm the right could do to the republic if

Bad Faith Times readers mostly came of age in a materially awful era of American politics. The 9/11 attacks and the 2008 recession broadly drove the policy and discussion of politics as I was finding my own way. Before these historic events, and before I was able to vote,

John Fetterman, unlike any Democratic congressional candidate in my lifetime, had for months batted away any and all opportunities to engage in the crazy TV doctor's bad-faith campaign. Fetterman, Pennsylvania's former lieutenant governor running for the U.S. Senate, had deployed a strategy not of good

Florida Governor Ron DeSantis isn't a real fascist, but he sure plays one on TV. He's too soft, too educated, too fake in his hatred of marginalized groups to be a true-blue fascist. DeSantis is smart; he has to feign his ignorance, unlike Donald Trump, who,